The (non-)specificity distinction is overtly expressed in the use of signing space in LSC. Discourse referents that are specific, that is, are identifiable by the sender, and are part of a restricted set, are associated with a low spatial location. In contrast, discourse referents that are non-specific, that is, are unidentifiable by the sender, and are not part of a restricted set, are associated with a high spatial location. This is shown in the semi-minimal pair found below. While in (a) the discourse referent corresponds to a particular individual, which is identifiable by the signer, in (b) the discourse referent does not correspond to a particular individual, and it is therefore not identifiable by the signer. As the examples show, the specific discourse referent in (a) is associated with a low location, while the non-specific discourse referent in (b) is associated with a high location.
a) ix1 cat ixa[ipsi-down] want buy. ixa[ipsi-down] obedient.
‘I want to buy a cat from those. They are obedient.’
(recreated from Barberà , 2012: 259)
b) ix1 ixa[ipsi-up] catix1 buy want. concrete obedient.
‘I want to buy a cat. It must be obedient.’
(recreated from Barberà , 2012: 261)
Many of the LSC indefinite lexical signs may be associated with a low spatial location and also with a high spatial location. When the particles are associated with a low spatial location, a specific reading arises, which may have a partitive interpretation, where the discourse referents belong to a restricted set. The interpretation of the discourse referents conveyed below is restricted by a particular domain of reference.
a) house some[down]
‘some of the houses’
(recreated from Barberà , 2012: 289)
b) house one[down]
‘one of the houses’
(recreated from Barberà , 2012: 289)
c) house any[down]
‘any of the houses’
(recreated from Barberà , 2012: 289)
In contrast, when the indefinite particles are associated with high spatial locations and thus establish the noun phrase in a high area, a non-specific and non-partitive interpretation arises.
a) house some[ipsi_up]
‘some houses’
(recreated from Barberà , 2012: 289)
b) house one[ipsi_up]
‘one house’
(recreated from Barberà , 2012: 289)
c) house any[ipsi_up]
‘any house’
(recreated from Barberà , 2012: 289)
The articulation of signs directed to signing space also varies depending on the direction and, more specifically, on the interpretation they receive. Signs directed towards low spatial locations have a tense realization and are directed towards a concrete point in space. In such cases, a specific reading arises. Signs directed to high spatial locations, which correspond to a non-specific interpretation, are non-tense, have a vague realization, and are directed towards a more widespread area rather than a particular spatial location.
One of the grammatical tests to distinguish between specific and non-specific readings is based on the possibility of having a co-referential pronoun. Only specific noun phrases establish a discourse referent, and once a discourse referent has been established, it can be referred back to by an anaphoric pronoun in subsequent discourse. In contrast, when talking about a non-specific discourse referent, a co-referential anaphoric pronoun is only felicitous when it is embedded under an operator. For the LSC case, noun phrases associated with a low spatial location may have a co-referential pronoun in further discourse, corresponding to a specific interpretation.
ixa [ipsi_down] dog ix1 want buy. ixa [ipsi_down] cl(L): ‘long-ears’.
‘I want to buy a certain dogspec. It has long ears.’
When the noun phrase is associated with a high spatial location, the co-referential pronoun alone is not felicitous, as it needs to be embedded under a modal sign, like require, and expressed as a null pronoun, as shown below.
ix1 want buydog any[up]. require cl(L): ‘long-ears’.
‘I want to buy a dognon-spec. It must have long ears.’
The use of some determiners may force a specific or a non-specific reading. LSC features a sign that may occur in non-specific contexts to narrow down the domain of reference, namely the sign glossed as concrete. The sign restricts the domain of interpretation of the discourse referent referred to but always with a kind interpretation.
concrete sign
As shown in the example below, a noun phrase with the sign concrete is used to refer to a discourse referent that has the property of having long ears, but the signer does not know the exact identity of this entity. Among all the possible dogs available, the one the signer is referring to needs to be one with long ears, although she does not have a particular one in mind. Therefore, the sign concrete is used in non-specificity contexts.
dog any[up] ix1 want buy. concrete dog cl(L): ‘long-ears’.
‘I want to buy a dognon-spec. It must have long ears.’
Another very frequent indefinite lexical sign consists in an index finger pointing upwards and directed towards a high spatial location on the frontal plane [LEXICON 3.6]. It is very similar to the numeral one, but, unlike the numeral, the indefinite determiner oneup is articulated at an upper location on the frontal plane and combined with characteristic nonmanual marking typical for indefinite contexts, namely sucked-in cheeks, shrug and non-fixed eye gaze towards spatial location. The indefinite determiner oneup may function as a pronoun in a generic context [LEXICON 3.7] and as a determiner preceding or following a noun in an episodic context, as shown below.
one[ipsi-up] bicycle steal.
‘Someone stole the bike.’