3.6.2. Indefinite determiners
Indefinite determiners are used to introduce new referents into the discourse (“Next week we will read an article about definiteness”, where the article is a first-mention entity). A very common strategy of determiner forms is pointing signs. Pointing signs in LSC, as in many sign languages, are polyfunctional, they may have different functions, namely as pronouns, determiners, demonstratives, locatives [LEXICON 1.2.2].
Determiners and pronouns [LEXICON 3.7] may be associated with either a high or a low spatial location, depending on the specificity reading [PRAGMATICS 1]. The examples shown below are articulated with an index handshape performing an arc-shaped movement, but for the indefinite reading to arise this is not obligatory: the singular form of a pointing sign is also possible. The example below is associated with a low spatial location and triggers a specific indefinite interpretation. They denote a particular group of individuals, which are identifiable by the signer, and that belong to a restricted set.
ix3pl[down] cat obedient.
‘Some of the cats are obedient.’
(recreated from Barberà, 2016: 23)
A frequent strategy is the determiner person, used as an indefinite pronoun, which derives from the lexical noun person. This sign may be used in some contexts as a co-referential pronoun and in others as an impersonal pronoun with an indefinite reading (a). For the indefinite reading to arise, the pronoun is articulated towards a high spatial location. It may also have a reduplicated form resulting in a plural interpretation (b). Both (a) and (b) are instances of generic uses of the pronouns, where the individual denoted is not tied to any particular spatiotemporal context. The discourse referents are not identifiable by the signer.
rs
a) person[up]++ own error recognize never. same ix3pl[down] friend 3warn3 look count-1-2-3.
‘One never realizes his own faults. It is his friends who have to warn him.’
(© John Benjamins 2016. Reprinted with permission from Barberà, 2016: 23)
b) ix[there] balear person[up]+++ speak catalan.
‘In the Balearic Islands, they speak Catalan.’
(© John Benjamins 2016. Reprinted with permission from Barberà, 2016: 23)
Another lexical functional element that expresses indefiniteness is a compound sign. This pronominal sign is formed by the interrogative wh-sign who concatenated with either the 3rd person plural pronominal form (a) or with the determiner some (b). In both cases, the order of the signs is irrelevant. Interestingly, the mouthing accompanying the two compound sign are always the Spanish word alguien ‘someone’, which has scope over the two signs. These pronouns refer to animate entities, namely human and animal discourse referents.
a) who^ix3pl[up]
b) who^some[up]
Another very frequent indefinite lexical sign consists in an index finger pointing upwards and directed towards a high spatial location on the frontal plane. It is very similar to the numeral one, but, unlike the numeral, the indefinite determiner oneup is articulated at an upper location on the frontal plane and combined with characteristic non-manual marking typical for indefinite contexts, namely sucked-in cheeks, shrug and non-fixed eye gaze towards spatial location [PRAGMATICS 1.3.2]. The indefinite determiner oneup may function as a pronoun in a generic context [LEXICON 3.7] and as a determiner preceding or following a noun in an episodic context, as shown below.
one[up] person door knock flash.
‘Someone is knocking at the door.’
(recreated from Barberà, 2016: 25)
Finally, there are two additional signs conveying indefiniteness that may also function as determiners and pronouns [LEXICON 3.7]: some and any (the two signs may be articulated in both high and low spatial locations). Similar to the sign oneup, some and any are not semantically restricted to a particular type of entity. When signed in a low spatial location, some (a) and any (b) provide a partitive interpretation once the restricted set has been uttered. When localized at a high spatial location, the interpretation is not restricted to a particular set. When used in an interrogative context, the sign some may be translated also as ‘how many’.
a) book cl(v): ‘row of books’ some[down] old.
‘Some of the books (from my shelf) are old.’
(recreated from Barberà, 2016: 25)
b) book cl(v): ‘row of books’ any[down] ix2 take.
‘Take any book from my shelf.’
(recreated from Barberà, 2016: 25)
The determiners just mentioned are syntactically in complementary distribution and are used in similar contexts. Moreover, they may also have a pronominal function. They do not have semantic restrictions as they can both refer to animate and inanimate entities. One morphological difference is that while oneup needs to be associated with a high spatial location for the indefinite reading to arise, the remaining signs allow for both options (high and low spatial locations) and still trigger an indefinite reading.
Non-manual marking is also a crucial part of the grammar of LSC. Non-manuals also play a role in the encoding of referential status, with indefiniteness being expressed by a particular non-manual marker that involves the lower part of the face and consists of sucking in the cheeks and pulling the corners of the mouth down. This is sometimes combined with a shrug. This facial expression, which is shown below, is aligned with indefinite NPs that are not novel, non-unique, and not familiar.
Non-manual associated with indefiniteness
(recreated from Barberà, 2012: 238)
Moreover, when the indefinite noun phrase corresponds to a non-specific discourse referent, which is therefore not identifiable by the signer and does not belong to a restricted set, the articulation of the non-manual is aligned with a particular eye gaze. A non-fixed eye gaze towards a spatial location is used, and a corresponding darting eye gaze is aligned with the noun phrase.
Non-fixed eye gaze
(recreated from Barberà, 2012: 301)