1.2.1. Manual marking
Pointing signs co-occurring with a noun are not a crucial marking for definiteness in LSC. Both noun phrases with an index sign directed to the horizontal plane (a) or without it (b) are ambiguous between a definite and an indefinite reading.
a) now ix1 interview ix3 woman.
‘Now I have an interview with a/the woman.’
b) now ix1 interview woman.
‘Now I have an interview with a/the woman.’
As the previous minimal pair shows, in LSC a noun co-occurring with an index sign may trigger a definite interpretation, although this is not a necessary condition. Moreover, in many contexts first mention unfamiliar discourse referents are marked with an index sign in LSC. This fact shows that the index sign per se is not a marker of definiteness. Instead, LSC includes particular manual and nonmanual elements that trigger a definite reading.
However, when the discourse referents has already been introduced in the discourse context and therefore the conversation is centred on it, one of the most frequent strategies to express an definite noun phrase is the use of determiners and pronouns. The example shown below is articulated with a pronominal index handshape performing an arc-shaped movement, but for the definite reading to arise this is not obligatory: the singular form of a pointing sign can also yield an indefinite interpretation.
Context: You are telling a friend of yours that you went to a kennel because you want to buy a cat. You describe the behavior of the cats there.
ix3pl[down] obedient.
‘Some of them are obedient.’
(recreated from Barberà, 2016: 23)
LSC has a definite particle, which is glossed as self because of the mouthing that it is co-articulated with (the corresponding Catalan and Spanish word can be roughly translated as ‘same/itself’). self is a mono-manual sign articulated with a y-handshape and with body contact on the ipsilateral shoulder, with a downward movement [LEXICON 3.6].
self sign
The sign self is related to a nominal element, in such a way that it either co-occurs with it or anaphorically substitutes it. The relation between the two elements is established through signing space. Because the sign is body-anchored, and thus cannot be localized in space, body lean and eye gaze are used to localize the co-occurring nominal sign. Considering that definiteness encodes familiarity of the discourse referent, some particular contexts trigger a definite reading, and these are precisely the ones where self is found. Therefore, self always occurs in a noun phrase denoting a known discourse referent. It may be used in contexts where the object referred to is present and the interlocutors may identify it (a), with entities belonging to the common general knowledge of the conversation participants’ (b), and with entities that have been previously introduced in the discourse (c).
re
a) self ix[there] table ix2 clean.
‘(You.sg) clean that table there.’
(recreated from Barberà, 2016: 19)
b) ix institution found self person3 hitler.
‘This institution was founded by Hitler himself.’
(recreated from Barberà, 2016: 19)
c) ix[here] book ix[here] adapt sign. ix1 happy. self ix[here] book sell+++.
‘This book has been adapted into sign language and I feel very happy. This (same) book has been sold a lot.’
(recreated from Barberà, 2016: 19)
The previous examples show the different interpretive properties attributed to definite noun phrases. Examples (a) and (c) are instances of not novel and discourse-addressee familiar discourse referents. This means that they refer to objects that are easily identifiable in the extra-linguistic context. Example (b) is an instance of both a unique and an addressee familiar discourse referent. This means that the referent is unique in its genre and known by the general knowledge of the participants’ conversation.More evidence indicating that self is a marker of definiteness comes from the fact that in sentences in which the noun phrase is ambiguous between a definite and an indefinite interpretation, the introduction of self forces a definite reading. In LSC, a first-mention bare noun (a) is ambiguous between an indefinite and a definite reading. However, the insertion of self forces a familiar, and thus definite, interpretation (b).
a) ix1 class student come.
‘A/the student came to my class.’
(recreated from Barberà, 2016: 20)
b) ix1class self student come.
‘The student came to my class.’
(recreated from Barberà, 2016: 20)
self may co-occur with both common and proper nouns not previously mentioned. In the following example (a), an implicit link or anchor between two elements is established during the process of interpretation: the second element of the pair inherits the familiarity condition from the first element, and is therefore marked with a first mention definite marker. When self co-occurs with a proper noun (b), an emphatic meaning arises.
a) go-out mountain bus cl(<): ‘doing s’. self person3 driver fall-asleep.
‘The bus was going up the mountain “doing s”. The driver was falling asleep.’
b) Context: Two work colleagues (A and B) are waiting outside the office, because the third one (C), named David, still hasn’t arrived. A doesn’t know who is in charge of the keys. Without a previous question, B utters:
self person3 david come key cl(]): ‘open door’.
‘David will bring the keys (not someone else)!’
(recreated from Barberà, 2016: 20)